Azerbaijan

Armenia and Azerbaijan – What Happens Next?

Armenia and Azerbaijan – What Happens Next?

19 September 2023 marked the start another active military conflict, this time in Nagorno-Karabakh: between the local Armenian troops and Azerbaijan. Despite lasting only one day, the conflict led to 412 official causalities for both sides and according to the Armenian Government has led to ethnic cleansing – with practically the entire Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh, numbering over 100,000, fleeing from the disputed region to Armenia in the days following the clash. The one-day war also surprisingly resulted in relatively high causalities for both sides. Military Imbalance Eroding the Status Quo Nagorno-Karabakh started to become a conflict region in 1988, when the local Armenian population started to claim the independence of Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous region from Azerbaijan and demanded to join Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR). This process triggered the First Nagorno-Karabakh War of 1992-1994, and ended with defeat of Azerbaijan, which lost control not only over the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous region, but also of seven ex-Azerbaijani SSR regions around Karabakh, most of which provided a land connection with Armenia, which Karabakh itself lacked. A ceasefire was brokered by Russia, but it never was completely fulfilled. Peace negotiations were mediated by the Minsk OSCE Troika (France, Russia and the USA) for many years without result and continued against the background of continuous violations of the ceasefire along the line of contact in Karabakh and even at the Armenia-Azerbaijan border. The status quo started to deteriorate in April 2016, when the first large-scale hostilities after 1994 started and result – of 1992-1994, and ended with defeat of Azerbaijan, which lost control not only over the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous region, but also of seven ex-Azerbaijani SSR regions around Karabakh, most of which provided a land connection with Armenia, which Karabakh itself lacked. A ceasefire was brokered by Russia, but it never was completely fulfilled. Peace negotiations were mediated by the Minsk OSCE Troika (France, Russia and the USA) for many years without result and continued against the background of continuous violations of the ceasefire along the line of contact in Karabakh and even at the Armenia-Azerbaijan border. The status quo started to deteriorate in April 2016, when the first large-scale hostilities after 1994 started and resulted in small gains on the line of contact for Azerbaijan. This was the result of the military approach chosen by Baku, which became a much wealthier country after 2005, as it began to export of large volumes of fossil fuels amid higher oil prices. This would resulted in changing the military balance between the two countries’ armed forces, since the Azerbaijani defence budget was several times larger than Armenia’s. Baku enacted the largescale procurement of tanks, artillery, armoured vehicles, air defence assets, combat aircraft and unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) in Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Israel and Turkey starting from around 2005. A major shift occurred in 2020, during the 44-day Second Nagorno-Karabakh war, where Azerbaijani troops managed to gain a military victory. The 2020 war demonstrated some of the newest components of modern warfare, including the massed use of combat UAVs such as the Bayraktar TB2, and ISR UAVs in combination with artillery and loitering munitions. Azerbaijani Armed Forces were able to conduct a suppression of air defence (SEAD) operation almost without use of manned aviation, relying on the coordinated actions of uncrewed vehicles. Such success was reinforced with a more modern and creative approach in land warfare: the first failed attempts to undertake a ‘classical’ offensive with tanks and armoured vehicles were replaced with offensives by lighter mobile troops, which were able to disorganise the defending Armenian forces. Many of these modern approaches were taught to Azerbaijani Armed Forces by high-ranking Turkish officers, which Armenia has stated were actively involved in developing and conduction the operation. At the same time, Russian support to Armenia was very limited, despite the two countries being allies. The war resulted in the Trilateral Statement, made by leaders of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Russia. According to statement, Azerbaijan gained control over territory of seven regions around Nagorno-Karabakh along with Shushi and Hadrut cities which were part of Karabakh, while Russia established a 1,960 personnel-strong peacekeeping mission which became security guarantor for local Armenians and was in charge of guarding the Lachin corridor – the only road connecting Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia proper. Also, the Statement outlined some bases for peace negotiations, including the exchange of POWs, opening of the transport communications between countries, and various others. This postwar period was stable for only a few months, and in May 2021 Azerbaijan started to re-assert military pressure – now also directly on Armenia, as well as occupying border territories during limited operations. The most large-scale escalation happened on September 12- 13, during which the intensity of hostilities was comparable to Second Karabakh war. Azerbaijani troops occupied more than 140 km2 of Armenian territory and conducted artillery and UAV strikes deep into Armenian territory, destroying some air defence assets and damaging Armenian Armed Forces bases. According to official sources, Armenia lost 202 and Azerbaijan lost 80 servicemen in just two days – more than during the 2016 four-day war in Nagorno-Karabakh. These hostilities showed that the Armenian Armed Forces were still not ready to organise an effective defence against Azerbaijan, especially in the sphere of air defence. As a result of the Azerbaijani attack, Armenia negotiated an EU monitoring mission to the border, which was established for 2 years and could be prolonged further. Against the background of direct Armenia-Azerbaijan tension, Baku also started to put pressure on NagornoKarabakh, despite the existence of the Russian peacekeeping mission and security guarantees. The peacekeepers were shown to be very passive, especially after the beginning of Russo-Ukrainian war, which took a much higher priority for Russian military resource dedication, as well as limited general interest to the region. After several local attacks by Azerbaijani troops, which resulted in almost no reaction from the Russians, Baku started a blockade of NagornoKarabakh by blocking the Lachin corridor in December 2022. This also did not lead to any real reaction from Russia and

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Think change

Think Change episode 33: the forgotten crisis – what next for Nagorno-Karabakh?

In the Overseas Development Institute (ODI)’s Think Change podcast, APRI Armenia President Lara Setrakian commented on the humanitarian crisis precipitated by Azerbaijan’s blockade of the Lachin corridor and subsequent ethnic cleansing of the Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh. Since then, she argued, Azerbaijan has continued to escalate tensions with Armenia and undermine its sovereignty.

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Armenia Joins the ICC In a Geopolitical Tightrope

In an analysis for Justice Info, a publication of Fondation Hirondelle, APRI Armenia Senior Research Fellow Benyamin Poghosyan analysed the geopolitical fallout from Armenia’s decision to ratify the Rome Statute, officially joining the International Criminal Court. The issue, he said, is that Russia perceives the ICC as a Western instrument for advancing geopolitical agendas and exerting pressure on non-compliant nations. Armenia’s ratification of the Rome Statute is seen as a “geopolitical signal that it would like to move towards the West and away from Russia.”

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media

Three steps EU can take to halt Azerbaijan’s mafia-style bullying

In an article for the EUobserver, APRI Armenia President Lara Setrakian wrote about Azerbaijan’s assault on Nagorno-Karabakh and its overall policy of blockade and coercion, leading to the ethnic cleansing of the Armenian population. This policy, she writes, has shattered the hope that there is a good-faith negotiating partner in Baku. For the time being, Azerbaijan’s calculation is that it is best off waging war to get what it wants, then signing a ceasefire deal that codifies its gains. It is a strategy of constant escalation.Armenians and Azerbaijanis should have a dynamic that is set by dialogue and genuine diplomacy—not the threat and use of force, with one party constantly threatening to eat the other for lunch.

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How Armenia and Azerbaijan’s conflict could still destabilize the region

Vox News interviewed APRI Senior Research Fellow Benyamin Poghosyan about the immediate needs and long-term implications of Azerbaijan’s September 19 military offensive against Nagorno-Karabakh. The urgent need for humanitarian aid runs in parallel to fears of future military attacks, as Baku demands additional concessions from Armenia.

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CNN Newsroom with Paula Newton

CNN Newsroom with Paula Newton

APRI Armenia President Lara Setrakian joined CNN to explain the past week’s events in Nagorno-Karabakh and how they amplify the risk of military escalation between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Baku’s armed offensive against Nagorno-Karabakh has led to an outflow of more than 13,000 refugees since Saturday, while those who have stayed behind describe dire conditions of hunger, displacement, and a lack of medical supplies. Statements by both Turkey and Azerbaijan suggest there is a serious risk of another armed assault before the end of 2023, as those countries aim to open the “Zangezur corridor” land bridge across Southern Armenia.

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Perpetuating the cycle of violence

Perpetuating the cycle of violence

The article was published in IPS Journal. After Azerbaijan’s latest offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh, the South Caucasus will likely see further escalations and suffering for decades to come On 19 September 2023, Azerbaijan launched a large-scale offensive along the line of contact with the self-declared Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. The military operation followed approximately nine months of blockade, which brought the population of Nagorno-Karabakh to the brink of mass starvation. After 24 hours of intensive hostilities, the Nagorno-Karabakh authorities accepted the demands of Azerbaijan, including the disarmament and dissolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh defence army and the start of discussions with Azerbaijan on an ‘integration’ within the framework of the Azerbaijani constitution. The humanitarian implications of the latest military offensive are immense. Thousands of civilians are missing, many were probably killed, as villages are cut off from the outside world while surrounded by Azerbaijani troops. Up to 5,000 civilian Armenians found asylum at the headquarters of the Russian peacekeeping mission around the Stepanakert airport. There is a lack of internet and mobile connection in the area, as Azerbaijani troops destroyed mobile towers and other telecommunication equipment during the first hours of the operation. The future of Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh is unclear. The absolute majority would like to leave the region, as there are no guarantees for the protection of their fundamental rights under Azerbaijani rule. But even the evacuation of Armenians from their homeland, which equals ethnic cleansing, is not guaranteed, as thousands of Armenian men are under investigation in Azerbaijan and can be arrested while passing through the Lachin checkpoint. The representatives of the Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians met with the Azerbaijani side in the Azerbaijani town of Yevlakh on the morning of 21 September. However, while the meeting was still underway, Azerbaijan resumed the shelling of Stepanakert (the capital of Nagorno-Karabakh), and Azerbaijani troops entered the city, putting the 60,000 residents in direct danger. Further implications of Azerbaijan’s offensive Besides the tragic humanitarian implications, Azerbaijan’s renewed attack against Nagorno-Karabakh will have significant consequences for regional security, appearing like a signal to all regional actors that hard power is the only currency worth anything. Just five days before this new offensive, Acting Assistant Secretary for European and Eurasian Affairs Yuri Kim stated during the Senate Foreign Affairs Committee hearing that the United States would not countenance any action or effort – short- or long-term – to ethnically cleanse or commit other atrocities against the Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh. And the EU leadership, including President of the European Council Charles Michel, made several calls to end the Lachin corridor blockade and emphasised the necessity to ensure the rights of Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians. Azerbaijan’s apparent contempt towards these calls and demonstrative use of force makes it clear that the West has no real leverage to influence the developments in the region. Meanwhile, the Azerbaijani offensive also humiliated Russia, whose peacekeepers were deployed in Nagorno-Karabakh after the 2020 war to protect the civilian Armenian population. If Azerbaijan can violate previous agreements and defy both the US and Russia, what are the guarantees that any new agreement will not be thrown into the dustbin of history within a few weeks or months? In recent weeks, the Armenian leadership itself took several steps to irritate Russia and send messages to the West – such as the visit of the first lady to Kyiv, the decision to ratify the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court – probably hoping that the US and the EU would stop the upcoming Azerbaijani offensive. Reality proved them otherwise. The Azerbaijani offensive and its dissolution of Nagorno-Karabakh both revoke the statement of 10 November 2020, including the agreement to restore communications and establish a connection between Azerbaijan and its exclave Nakhijevan via Armenia. Azerbaijan’s actions will make it extremely difficult to successfully finish the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace negotiations. If Azerbaijan can violate previous agreements and defy both the US and Russia, what are the guarantees that any new agreement will not be thrown into the dustbin of history within a few weeks or months? The upcoming years, if not decades, in the South Caucasus will be marked by additional escalations, wars and human suffering. The second humiliation of Armenia in three years will also destabilise the Armenian domestic political situation. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has already lost a significant part of his support. In the 17 September Yerevan municipal elections (Yerevan is the capital of Armenia, with some 40-45 per cent of the entire population living there), Pashinyan’s party received 33 per cent of the votes — in September 2018, it still got around 80 per cent. The voter turnout was extremely low at less than 30 per cent. The de facto dissolution of Nagorno-Karabakh, huge losses among the civilian population and the potential influx of some 70-80,000 refugees to Armenia will further weaken Pashinyan’s position. The opposition, on the other hand, had already formed a committee to achieve his resignation, and clashes took place between protestors and police in downtown Yerevan during the rallies on 19 and 20 September. In the long term, Azerbaijan’s decision to ‘end’ the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict with brutal force will perpetuate the cycle of violence between Armenians and Azerbaijanis. Many people in Armenia and the diaspora will focus on strengthening Armenia and on taking revenge. Given Azerbaijan’s actions to cultivate the concept of ‘Western Azerbaijan’, which declares most of Armenia as Azerbaijani historic lands, and Azerbaijani and Turkish demands to open the so-called ‘Zangezur corridor’ to connect Azerbaijan with Nakhijevan and Turkey, the upcoming years, if not decades, in the South Caucasus will be marked by additional escalations, wars and human suffering.

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Geopolitics and Foreign Policy

Assessing the Fallout from Azerbaijan’s Military Offensive Against Nagorno-Karabakh

For the first time since the end of the 2020 War, Azerbaijan has launched a full-scale military offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh. At 1:15 pm Yerevan/Baku time on Tuesday, September 19, the government of Azerbaijan began intensive shelling of the Armenian-held areas of Nagorno-Karabakh. Within twenty-four hours local Armenian authorities signed a de facto capitulation agreement, accepting the long-held demands of the Azerbaijani government – issues that had previously been expected to be the subject of negotiations through ongoing peace talks.  By achieving its aims through a military assault, Azerbaijan has missed an opportunity to defuse the Nagorno-Karabakh issue through peaceful reconciliation with local Armenians. Moreover, it has added significant animus to the interstate peace process between Armenia and Azerbaijan. It has also clearly signaled a willingness to depopulate the region, suggesting at one point the evacuation of residents through the Lachin corridor; a mass exodus of refugees through that route may still occur.  While Azerbaijan claimed to be targeting military infrastructure held by the Nagorno-Karabakh Defense Army, by Wednesday there were multiple accounts of civilian casualties and damage to civilian infrastructure, including a lack of access to food and electricity. The operation comes after what appeared to be substantial planning and preparation, with a heavy build-up of Azeri military hardware since the start of September. It also comes after more than nine months of a blockade by Azerbaijan that cut off the normal supply of food, medicine, and basic supplies to the Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh, diminishing local capacity for emergency response. On Monday, September 18, the day before the attacks started, the International Committee of the Red Cross was allowed to deliver food to the region for the first time since June, but the free movement of people, vehicles, and cargo through the Lachin corridor had not been restored. Below are some of the major implications of Azerbaijan’s military operation, based on the collective assessment of APRI Armenia’s research team: Where Do We Go From Here? The coming days will show the extent to which Azerbaijan’s military offensive has succeeded in achieving its full political agenda—namely, the full reintegration of Nagorno-Karabakh without international security guarantees for the Armenian population. It will also become clear how dramatically the combination of the Lachin corridor blockade and the September 19 offensive have resulted in an exodus of the Armenian population. Those outcomes, as well as the degree of diplomatic pushback against Azerbaijan for resolving its issues by force, will determine the future course of the region and its approach to handling coming disputes. If Azerbaijan is able to use its military and resources advantage to gain substantially from this week’s operation, at little diplomatic or economic cost, then it will be incentivized to launch similar initiatives in the future. As the region manages the fallout of the military takeover of Nagorno-Karabakh, international partners should immediately secure the safe evacuation of Armenians who do not want to remain in Azerbaijan under the current conditions. They should guarantee secure passage for evacuees and ensure that no Armenians are harmed, detained, or incarcerated while passing through the Azerbaijani checkpoint on the Lachin corridor. The United Nations and other relevant organizations should provide support for the emergency needs of Armenian evacuees, who could number up to 100,000. Alongside other measures, international partners should invest in a more substantial presence in Armenia, extending the EU Civilian Monitoring Mission beyond February 2025 as well as expanding its mandate and capacities. Investments in infrastructure and defensive military capacity in Armenia will also be crucial to deterring future escalations. The path forward for Armenia, Azerbaijan, and the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh will depend on the commitment and substantive engagement of the international community. The region is at a critical turning point; the degree and scope of stabilization efforts will determine whether the conflict expands across borders or produces other forms of ongoing turmoil between neighboring states.

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Opinion: A mountaintop enclave facing genocide. And a plan to stop it

Opinion: A mountaintop enclave facing genocide. And a plan to stop it

In a piece for CNN, APRI Armenia President Lara Setrakian assessed the current dynamics driving the humanitarian crisis in Nagorno-Karabakh, outlining concrete steps that Azerbaijan, Armenia, and international partners can take to move forward and reset the scene for a peaceful outcome. As the days drag on without a solution an estimated 120,000 people, including 30,000 children, face malnutrition and multiple other forms of deprivation, and are effectively hostages of a geopolitical impasse.

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